PEOPLE'S WAR UNTIL COMMUNISM!
LONG LIVE THE 19^TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PEOPLE'S WAR IN PERU!
THE PEOPLE'S WAR WILL INEVITABLY TRIUMPH!

On May 17, 1980 a handful of men and women divided up to strategic points of Peru, following the plan of initiation established by Chairman Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) and with almost no arms, began the greatest epic: The People's War in Peru. Nevertheless, the initiators had the most powerful armament on Earth, MarxismLeninismMaoism, Gonzalo Thought. On that day each detachment knew perfectly what they had to do, and at the appointed time they departed to carry out their respective actions, carrying on their faces the fury of centuries converted into triumphant smiles, because they carried the New Power in their rucksacks. Although this had not yet been born it lived as a seed ready to be recast into the fertile soil of the masses disposed to rebel.

Nineteen years of people's war have passed and this has grown step by step with big victories and also with setbacks, but never a major defeat. The People's War has continued developing with errors and successes but always more successes. For this reason it advances, because the correct line is imposed, because in the twoline struggle, the contradiction within the Party, its driving force is well managed because it conforms to MarxismLeninismMaoism, Gonzalo Thought.

Making a brief recap, we can see the achievements of the People's War according to the plans which have been applied:

The Plan of Initiation (May December 1980): the principal form of struggle (People's War) and the principal form of organization (the Army) are shaped.

Plan of deployment (January 1981 Jan 1983): the guerrilla war is deployed and the New Power is achieved with the emergence of the People's Committees.

Plan of Conquering Bases (May 1983 Sept 1986): confronting the genocide of the reactionary armed forces and conquering bases, the ambit of the People's War is expanded with its axis in the Andes, from the border with Ecuador to the border with Bolivia.

Great Plan to Develop Bases (Dec. 1986 May 1989): a great leap is made opening for the first time the real and concrete perspective of the conquest of power countrywide by achieving a system of Support Bases, the unfolding of mobile warfare and the principal thing of all, the first Marxist Congress of the Party, a MarxistLeninistMaoist, Gonzalo Thought, principally Gonzalo Thought Congress, which establishes the Basis of Party Unity.

The Great Plan to Develop Bases in Function of the Conquest of Power (Aug. 1989 1992): this achieves the Open People's Committees, and in 1991 the Strategic Equilibrium is reached. In 1992 a leap is made in the incorporation of the masses into the People's War and the Committees of Struggle are achieved. These are the first form of the New Power achieved in the cities, along with a better unfolding of the counter-campaigns, thus defeating the enemy's campaigns of encirclement and annihilation.

The Great Plan to Construct the Conquest of Power (1992?): The Central Committee under the responsibility of Comrade Feliciano in hard twoline struggle against the revisionist and capitulationist Right Opportunist Line (ROL), and confronting the onslaught of imperialism, of the fascist regime and of revisionism, principally the ROL's, begins to emerge from the bend in the road and clearly overcome it, with the fundamental completion of the six objectives of the plan "Overcome": Overcome the bend in the road, combat the plans of reaction and imperialism, crush the hoax of "pacification", crush the revisionist and capitulationist ROL, lay down bases for the realization of the IV plenum, and the general reorganization of the Party.

Today the winds are blowing in favor of the People's War, but this has been through very hard contest. In April 5, 1992, there was Fujimori's fascist coup under the baton of Yankee imperialism which assumes the command of the countersubversive war. Five months later, on September 12, Chairman Gonzalo was captured and then imperialism, revisionism and reaction crowed victory ahead of time; 12 days later they tried to injure the class morale at a world level by presenting Chairman Gonzalo before the world. There the Party, the proletariat and the peoples of the entire world heard his masterful speech that shines victoriously and powerfully, giving the word of command to continue applying the III Plenum and defining his capture as "a bend in the road, nothing more". The speech summarized the III Plenum of the Central Committee and was decisive for the continuation and development of the People's War.

Before the continuation and the advance of the People's War, imperialism, Fumimori's fascist regime and the revisionist and capitulationist traitors of the ROL (a line that became structured outside the Party, in the prisons), launched the hoax in which "Chairman Gonzalo was the author" of the petition for a "peace accord." But the People's War crushed this hoax.

After the fraud of Fujimori's reelection and facing the immanent collapse of the neoliberal plan, we witness a growing polarization in the class struggle and an increase in the conflicts within the interior of the fascist armed forces, as well as the continuation of the decomposition of revisionism and opportunism. By contrast, the Communist Party of Peru is being reorganized and counts on a leadership that is recognized and tested in many years, and that maintains the path of the revolution under the Great Leadership of Chairman Gonzalo and seconded by Comrade Feliciano.

Imperialist collusion and contention with preparations for a third world war, but revolution is and shall continue to be the principal tendency in the world

Looking at the two aspects of the contradiction between revolution and counterrevolution we see that:

Within the reactionary camp there is collusion and contention. Collusion is given by the necessity of maintaining the old, existing order in order to maintain the imperialist domination that subjugates the oppressed nations, while contention stems from the struggle for global hegemony. The United States, a giant with feet of clay, seeks to maintain itself as the sole hegemonist and global policeman. The Russian military superpower (with its atomic inheritance) and the other powers, such as Japan, Germany, France and Chinak, who "prepare for assault" in order to substitute the United States are demanding a new re-partitioning of the world. It is the imperialist dynamic, it is the trade war between monopolies and the formation of blocs. In this imperialist collusion and contention what predominates is collusion, principally because they seek to avert revolution, seeking to halt the New Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution that we are now entering. Imperialism, revisionism and world reaction have converged jointly since the end of the 1980s into a general counterrevolutionary offensive that the United States leads since the bankruptcy of revisionism and its sequel, the disintegration of Soviet socialimperialism.

Collusion is what dominates, but this collusion is raised on a foundation of contention, since imperialism's essence is the monopolistic struggle for markets and for a partition of the world through wars. For that reason imperialism is synonymous with wars, with world wars, wars of aggression and wars of plunder, whether these be (as they call them) nuclear wars, conventional wars or low intensity wars.

In the camp of revolution, we are entering a New Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution, whose principal force is the national liberation movement led by the proletariat through its parties. This tendency towards revolution is a historical and political tendency, and within it the problem lies in understanding the significance of the political tendency, since regarding the historical tendency there is no great problem as it is well known that the new always replaces the old. That is to say, revolution has always ended by, ends, and shall end by always imposing itself because the new always imposes itself over the old. By contrast, in referring to the significance of the political tendency, the problem consists in seeing the necessity of the human factor assuming its role of overturning the old in order to install the new, and this means struggle on an ideological, political and organization level. In the final analysis, this means crossing over from disorganized masses to masses organized to overthrow the old and build the new with people's war led by the proletariat. This requires militarized communist parties (that is to say, conceived and built in function of the people's war, whether this be actual or potential).

The imperialists are preparing themselves for world war by bleeding the oppressed nations while the proletariat struggles to complete the principal task of applying Maoism to the concrete conditions of each country to initiate people's war in each country, and later at a world level.

The principal contradiction in the world today is: Oppressed NationsImperialism

The Third World is the base of the revolution, which is the principal tendency and with the bankruptcy of revisionism and the disintegration of the USSR which is part of the decomposition of imperialism, we see an expansion of the Third World that is entering even into Europe. Here the key thing to understand is that the oppressed nations in the Third World are the base of revolution as the principal tendency. On the side of imperialism it is key to understand the decomposition of imperialism. The disintegration of the USSR is good for the revolution and demonstrates the feebleness and rot of the superpowers. One has fallen into disintegration, the other, the U.S., is a giant with feet of clay. The other powers that feel called upon to succeed the U.S. as the sole hegemonist are all within the law of the inexorable sinking of imperialism, that in its death agony becomes even more monopolistic and parasitical. Although its agony is long, it is inevitable and now we see how the imperialistic general counterrevolutionary offensive is ending that begun at the beginning of this decade: Neoliberalism with its privatizations, its "comparative advantages in the global economy" in the economic sphere; the negation of national sovereignty, their false "human rights", their phony war against drug trafficking, their "bourgeois democracy" and their "legitimization through elections" in the political sphere; their wars of all kinds in the military sphere and their declarations of the "obsolescence of Marxism", " the utopia of Communism", "the no need of the Party" or the "failure of socialism", their negation of revolutionary violence; all of these are nothing more than trifles that cannot hold up on any side and that shun the ideological debate. They are so lacking in arguments that they must resort to the Church as an ideological, political and organizational shield.

For all these reasons it is necessary today more than ever before that we reaffirm ourselves on our principles, in our allpowerful and sole scientific ideology of MarxismLeninismMaoism, Gonzalo Thought. This is materialized by upholding, defending and applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism at the world level. We must not let ourselves be flustered by the fanfare, all that they say is nothing more than their psychological warfare; what we must see is their essence, and their essence is that they are in decomposition. From this comes their desperation, so today they prepare a land invasion of Yugoslavia and will continue their aggression in the Middle East, in Africa and above all in Latin America where the center of their worry lies: the People's War in Peru that is led by a MarxistLeninistMaoist, Gonzalo Thought Party. The invasion of Colombia is being planned under the guise of combating drug trafficking, but they aim at Peru.

"The superpower that is in the peak of its prosperity and power" (according to the leader of the Democrats in the U.S. Senate); once again the theory that weapons decide everything is on the floor, they know that facing a people that fights with guerrilla warfare on their own land is very different from bombing from the air. We must note that they themselves say that they are at their peak. Why do they say it? Because they feel near the edge of bankruptcy. The frightful pauperization of 4/5 of the world's population, including within their own countries, must explode in emancipating epics; in the final analysis into world people's war.

Since the 1980s the world revolution has entered into the

general counterrevolutionary offensive against Marxism.

This offensive by imperialism, revisionism and world reaction against Marxism, led by Yankee imperialism in its role of sole hegemonist, has unfolded throughout the decade of the 1990s and is now reaching its end, while the MarxistLeninistMaoist, Gonzalo Thought counteroffensive headed up by Chairman Gonzalo is developing more and more. Here we must differentiate: Since 1980 the world revolution entered its third stage, the stage of the strategic offensive, and during the present decade we are living through a general counterrevolutionary offensive. That is to say there are two things, seemingly contradictory, but this is not absolutely so, because while the first is a stage that shall last for decades, the second is a period that shall only last a few years. Within the stage of the strategic offensive of the world revolution there shall be many offensives and counteroffensives, but this doesn't change the stage. That is to say that the world revolution has completed two stages, the stage of the strategic defensive that lasted from the Paris Commune in 1871 to the Second World War, and the stage of the strategic equilibrium that revolved around the Chinese Revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the development of the powerful national liberation movement.

The offensive against Marxism has been carried out on different levels, they even say they are making a "technological revolution", but it is not possible to make a revolution at the margin of the class struggle for power. They try to cover up their misdeeds with words. There is a desperate scramble to empower themselves from the privatizations and the plundering of what was the socialist system, in a frantic dream they reach the "delirium tremens" of proclaiming "the definitive triumph of capitalism and bourgeois democracy" and of their dominion "forever more". But fatally for them, their general counterrevolutionary offensive, instead of averting revolution, has sharpened the class struggle and the contradictions at the world level, especially the principal contradiction in the world today: Oppressed nationsimperialism. These are moments in which the proletariat, with more than 150 years of experience, under the leadership of the Communist Parties and with the light of their ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, have resolved: How to conquer power, with people's war; how to build socialism and defend it, with people's war; how to carry forward cultural revolutions, with people's war. The class struggle necessarily takes us to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the dictatorship of the proletariat is in essence the suppression of social classes one by one until the very proletariat must extinguish itself: To commit class suicide. Because it is on this basis of the suppression of social classes that all forms of the state are extinguished, so that we may all thus enter jointly into Communism, the kingdom of great harmony where there shall be no Parties nor dictatorships, no armies nor weapons.

Let there be no doubt that the class struggle necessarily flows into the dictatorship of the proletariat whose objective is precisely to suppress classes and change the world's phase, and although there is still much to discover with respect to the laws of socialism, there is no other choice except to make it. This is a good thing, not a bad thing; it indicates the youthfulness of the new, but all this shall be within the class struggle and its expression inside the Party, the twoline struggle. Therefore, no matter how many twists and turns occur, new laws will have to be discovered, understanding them in abundance and applying them totally and completely, because otherwise the dictatorship of the proletariat shall not be established at the world level, that means without consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, by taking power in each country and at a world level, their will be no way to take up the course of the final span in which the dictatorship of the proletariat itself must be extinguished.

This is what the masses want, the masses don't want to keep living the way they have lived to date. Revolution is the most profound necessity of the masses and they clamor for rebellion; the task is to organize them scientifically. Therefore, the pressure point lies in solving the delay in the forging of authentic Communist parties. How do we do this?

The PCP opened the path, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [CPN(M)] is following it, and soon there shall be a torrent. How has this come about? Chairman Gonzalo, applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the concrete conditions of Peru, shaped Gonzalo Thought; through this the Communist Party of Peru was able to be reconstituted as a machine of war, militarized to take power through the People's War. Today there are two parties, two people's wars which are guided by these principles, and let no doubt remain that the count shall increase rapidly, because it is evident that Maoism is being embodied within the peoples of the world, generating authentic Communist parties, that is to say, militarized, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties. Yes, militarized because the principal task of embodying Maoism and generating parties cannot be understood from the sidelines of people's war, and they can only be militarized through the preparation, initiation and development of armed actions, all of which imply people's war.

The old Peruvian economy goes to its grave

Any effort to reinvigorate bureaucratic capitalism* does nothing except ripen the conditions for the conquest of power countrywide, because it leads to the ruin and plunder of the peasantry and smallscale production within the new accumulation of capital that they need to reinvigorate. What have they achieved to date? The privatizations haven't served even to pay off the debt; in 1998 the old state paid $2.16 billion towards the foreign debt. Where does this money come from? From a greater skinning of the class, from a frightful misery of the Peruvian people—even their own numbers say that the "family basket" went from $240 in 1990 to $345 in 1999. The backwardness and the destruction of national industry is another of the achievements of the old state. Their transitory blossoming only benefits the rich and propertied that don't even make up 5% of the population. And even this transitory blossoming reached its end in 1998; their own manipulated figures show the decline in the Gross Industrial Product from 7.4% in 1997 to 1.0% in 1998, the decline in the income of the stock market from 28.4 in 1997 to 25.5 in 1998. With respect to the external sector they have had a deficit of $2.751 billion in the trade balance, and furthermore they had to devalue the currency by 15%. These are cosmetic figures, but the reality is much more serious; this is what they have achieved by applying their neoliberal plan. Parallel to this we must take into account that Yankee imperialism is already showing clear symptoms that its period of expansion is reaching its end; something similar is happening to the other imperialist countries with the exception of Japan and Russia that are out of step as far as their economic cycle is concerned. Thus with the global economy entering into a recession the old Peruvian state will not be able to count on the required help.

The Fujimori regime is fascist, genocidal and countryselling

The coup d'etat of April 1992 was a fascist coup, referring to a fascism adapted to combat the People's War that occurs within the process of the increasing reactionarization of the state and a greater absolute centralization. The formation of militarized corporative organizations and programs of "social aid" seek to fetter the masses, especially those who are below the minimum of subsistence, to in this way make them yield through the stomach, and to organize them and deploy them against the People's War. The fascist, genocidal and countryselling Fujimori regime, through the ministry of the Presidency, has formed a series of corporative monstrosities like CONADE, FONCODES, PRONAA, "development committees", "neighborhood committees", "civil defense", "serenazgos", "peasant rondas", "citizen's security", the growth of SIN (national intelligence service, the Peruvian gestapo) with total control over all the means of communication and the state organizations. Fascism negates parliament, and Fujimori's is a shamefaced fascism with a purely decorative parliament; he talks about "elections" but in reality believes in what they call "direct democracy", manipulating public opinion with a Hitlerstyle by applying the "big lie". Fujimori has made lies a norm of his actions aside from systematic fraud.

The Peruvian reactionaries, in their zeal to maintain the old order, need to fulfill three tasks: 1) reinvigorate bureaucratic capitalism, 2) restructure the old state and 3) annihilate the People's War. Of the three, their political objective is to annihilate the People's War, but to achieve this they need to restructure their state. Equally, reinvigorating bureaucratic capitalism also requires the annihilation of the People's War; therefore the restructuring of the State is for them the fundamental question. For them, the restructuring of the State is an evolutionary step so that it can serve to maintain their old order, since it is clear the state they have is useless. Then how has the restructuring of the state (the fourth such restructuring in the 20th century) come along? The first step in the process of restructuring was made in November 1991 with the legal decrees before the coup; the next step was made with the coup d'etat of April 5 where they began to apply their 20year counterrevolutionary plan; the next step was with the fraudulent elections for the constituent assembly and their new Constitution. Concomitantly, in a parallel and interrelated form the process of absolute centralization and presidential absolutism has been accentuated, embodied by Fujimori who in reality is a puppet for what the fascist armed forces establish and led by the clique headed up by Montesinos, the traitor and CIA agent. That is to say, in the final analysis they are under the direct command of the United States via the presidential "superadvisor" Montesinos.

Since Fujimori's own presidential campaign in 1990, the Party has typified him as both the representative of the comprador bourgeoisie as well as the bureaucratic bourgeoisie (factions of the big bourgeoisie). Lately within the government the struggle between the demo-liberal and fascist tendencies that exist within both the comprador bourgeoisie as well as the bureaucratic bourgeoisie has begun to be expressed. These are different forms that have the same objective: The defense of the old order that seeks to evolve the old Peruvian state.

With respect to his outlook, it is a fascist outlook that is driven forward before the advance of the People's War and falls within the imperialist strategy of the countersubversive war and their socalled low intensity war. For example, the similarities between Fujimori's propositions and Chiang Kaichek's are not accidental, both upheld the necessity of a "modern state". Fujimori prattles about things like "management of the state, direct, effective and permanent", just like Velasco, Fujimori says "great structural reforms", "reforms of the judicial power", "educational crusade", "new nationalism", like the APRA and its "economic congress", Fujimori proposes "economic democracy" along with the corporative organization of the peasantry; these are fascist forms of organization suitable to combat the People's War, using the masses against masses. We even see the old fascist practice of mobilizing lumpen elements to confront the People's War.

Along with this can be seen more and more clearly how the contention between the demo-liberals and fascists is carried out. Due to this many things have filtered out, for example the way Montesinos leads the traitors in the "peace accords" (ROL) in the video montage he cooked up, the so-called "Montesinos Productions".

In short, Fujimori's regime is a fascist one that occurs as a response to the necessities the reactionaries face in annihilating the People's War and for that reason it is a response by the bureaucratic path to the fact that the democratic path, the People's War, has reached the Strategic Equilibrium. For this reason they made the fascist coup of April 5, their new Constitution (that never did anyone any good), the corporative organization of the peasantry, the total police control, the negation of parliament, the fraudulent elections, the systematic, Hitlerian use of lies such as in the case of the montage and hoaxes of the "peace accord" and "pacification and development". Nevertheless, what do we see? Their restructuring of the state isn't working, and their hoaxes have been blown into a thousand pieces principally by the People's War. Today they continue clamoring for the restructuring of the state. Why? Because in the final analysis the only thing they have done is make the fascist armed forces act more and more like a political party, discharging more tasks within the old state.

In Peru there is a revolutionary situation in growing development

In Peru a revolutionary situation exists because the masses do not wish to continue living as they have up to now and the reactionaries cannot continue governing as they have done. The growing popular protest is expressed in a more and more explosive manner, aside from that the Peruvian people has never stopped combating and resisting. Recall that revisionism, at the initiation of the People's War negated the existence of a revolutionary situation with the objective of justifying its participation in the constituent assembly of 1978. In the end the field was cleared and the revisionists left together with their kindred the other reactionary parties, developing more and more into a caboose of the fascist, genocidal and countryselling dictatorship.

Today, the revisionists again negate the existence of a revolutionary situation and clamor for a "peace accord". This time it is the accursed traitors of the ROL. Why do they negate the revolutionary situation? To justify their treason, but nothing justifies betrayal. It is necessary to make it very clear that in Peru we are living in a revolutionary situation in development, and that the People's War is continuing to develop itself under the Great Leadership of Chairman Gonzalo.

Like in those days, today we must see how the 11 points that Chairman Mao stipulated with respect to why a revolutionary situation existed in China that was leading to a peak are being fulfilled. In "A Single Spark can Start a Prairie Fire", Chairman Mao tells us:

How then should we interpret the word "soon" in the statement, "there will soon be a high tide of revolution"? This is a common question among comrades. Marxists are not fortunetellers. They should, and indeed can, only indicate the general direction of future developments and changes; they should not and cannot fix the day and the hour in a mechanistic way. But when I say that there will soon be a high tide of revolution in China, I am emphatically not speaking of something which in the words of some people "is possibly coming", something illusory, unattainable and devoid of significance for action. It is like a ship far out at sea whose masthead can already be seen from the shore; it is like the morning sun in the east whose shimmering rays are visible from a high mountain top; it is like a child about to be born moving restlessly in its mother's womb. (A Single Spark can Start a Prairie Fire, January 5, 1930).

Certainly anyone who wants to can see the point of the mast of a ship on the horizon or the shining rays of the dawn in the east, or feel the kicks of a baby soon to be born; but to do this not only requires eyes to see and the tactile sense, it requires being disposed to see and feel and not refusing to see or refusing to feel. Chairman Gonzalo analyzed in the abovementioned work the objective conditions that Chairman Mao established to evaluate the existence of a revolutionary situation, starting from the contradictions that occured in Chinese society, and applied them to the Peruvian case. Let us see how they are currently:

1) At the international level, the interimperialist contradictions are developing: Isn't it evident that there are preparations for a third world war? The USA considers itself the Atlantic/Pacific superpower, while Germany/France in collusion and contention aim to extend themselves in Eastern Europe and Africa; Japan with its Asiatic coprosperity; China aiming at becoming a superpower in the next century that is about to be born; Russia with its nuclear inheritance; the bombing of Yugoslavia and furthermore the preparations for a land invasion all allow us to see that in effect there is a scramble for the plunder of the exsocialist countries. All this expresses itself as a greater polarization of the conflicts between the factions of the big bourgeoisie.

2) The contradiction between the reactionary governors and the broad masses of contributors. One of the goals of the fascist regime is to increment the collection of taxes, attacking the socalled informal production, as for example the systematic eviction of millions of street vendors that have signified veritable street battles. On the other hand they have covered the fiscal deficit with a greater extraction of taxes, especially indirect taxes that have a great retroactive effect against the masses.

3) The contradiction between imperialism and national industry: The new accumulation of capital has occurred with the ruin of small and medium businesses and the invasion of imported products has practically signified the sweeping away of national industry, all of which give rise to bright possibilities of achieving the national bourgeoisie's participation within the united front to conquer power.

4) The contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the working class. There is a greater looting of the masses via a greater rate of exploitation, that is a growing percentage of surplus value. The percentage of wageearners according to the 1993 census in the Departments of Lima, Callao and Arequipa is 61%, 70% and 49% respectively and with a minimum wage of $109 and the "family basket" of $345 is easy to explain the reasons for the growing explosive character of the contradiction bourgeoisieproletariat.

5) The even greater deepening of the contradiction between the landlord class and the peasantry, the plunder of lands via the "talisman of property deeds", loansmortgagesbankruptcy is leading to a new concentration of lands, evolving semifeudalism and an increase in the poor, landless peasantry. All of this favors the slogan of "land to the tiller" and a greater advance in the People's War.

6) The merchants in national products and the independent producers see themselves pushed more and more towards ruin. The concentration of capital has been occurring through a new accumulation that has signified the ruin on a large scale of small producers and small merchants to the benefit of the big bourgeoisie and imperialism.

7) The reactionary government is increasing its troops without limit. In 1994 the armed forces had 115,000 men, and double the number of police in and out of uniform, and this is increasing day by day, as the number of paramilitaries in the form of rondas, serenazgo, civil defense and others is even greater than the number of soldiers and police.

8) Hunger and banditry have extended throughout the country in the first part of the fascist regime with the application of the neoliberal program. Banditry reached 288.000 in 1993; later, according to their own figures it dropped to 180,000 but currently with the generalized poverty it is increasing at an accelerated rate.

9) The big masses of peasants and the urban poor find themselves in a situation where they can barely survive. The overview is pathetic, ruin in the countryside and of small producers, an official unemployment rate of 8%, official underemployment of 43% (based on an economically active population of 6,662,000 (according to the figures of INE)).

10) Due to a budget shortfall many students fear that they cannot continue studying. The daily newspaper El Comercio in its April 24 edition published: "This year, the nation's classrooms are emptier than ever before, despite that the government insists in affirming that, to the contrary, in 1999 the rate of registered pupils is greater than in previous years."

11) Due to the backward character of production, many graduating students have no hope of finding work. In Peru it is well known that the most difficult thing is not getting into university or graduating, the most difficult thing is finding work and keeping it.

The defense of the life of Chairman Gonzalo is a strategic task inextricably linked to the principal task of putting Maoism as the command and guide of the world revolution

The ROL is opposed to carrying out the campaign for the defense of the life of Chairman Gonzalo, is part of the hoax of the "peace accord". Can we allow that imperialism, reaction and revisionism achieve their goal of isolating Chairman Gonzalo? Can we allow that the nauseating proposals of the ROL injure the hearts of the masses, the class morale? No, the convergences with the ROL that occur in our own ranks both inside and outside the MPP must be swept away. On our hill there is no room for whoever is with imperialism, reaction and revisionism. To converge signifies "leading towards the same point", "two or more people concurring in statements or opinions towards the same goal". Sweeping away the convergences with the ROL is an indispensable necessity if the People's War is to continue to advance, if we wish to struggle to put Maoism in command of the world revolution in the process of the reconstitution of the parties to initiate people's wars, if we wish to serve the world revolution.

To sweep away the convergences it is necessary to break with the ROL on all points. It is not possible to say the same things as the ROL. What the ROL has in particular is the negation of Gonzalo Thought, which is the continuation of Marx, Lenin and Chairman Mao, and therefore it is the negation of the three stages of Marxism, it is the negation of the key role of the People's War in Peru, it is the negation of the historical significance of the People's War in Nepal that follows the same path, it is to oppose the process of reconstitution of the parties, of people's war, it is to oppose that the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) continue advancing. With respect to the convergences see how the Committee of the RIM (CoRIM) for the past five years continues without condemning and breaking with the hoax of the "peace accord", and further how they are making public opinion in favor of the hoax, converging with the plans of the enemy without understanding that Chairman Gonzalo is the Great Leadership of the revolution based on a Thought.

To converge is to get off course and finally crash. It is indispensable to struggle resolutely to dismantle these positions. It is not an accident that the May 1st leaflet from CoRIM says: "there is no part of the globe where our class has power"; with this affirmation they are negating the existence of the New Power in Peru materialized in the People's Committees, that jointly make up the Support Bases and all together make up the People's Republic of New Democracy in formation. Similarly they are negating the New Power in Nepal. In a document written by their General Secretary, the CPN (M) say: "In the process of destruction of the old state power and construction of a new one, the People's War has today reached the stage of exercising local democratic state power." We must understand that the struggle against the ROL also implies struggling against any convergences with it within the organizations at the heart of the people. But what is happening? Some don't combat the hoaxes of the "peace accord" or of "pacification and development"; others don't combat the ROL. For them there is no ROL, furthermore they label Party documents as false and don't agree with the characterization of the regime. These things are nothing more than cunning attacks on the Party's work abroad, because to put forward appetites for personal power does nothing more than converge with the enemy's plans.

For example, what happened to the campaign for the defense of the life of Chairman Gonzalo, isn't there a general deactivation of the campaign? And what about the tasks of spreading the People's War in Peru, of aiding in the formation of Parties? Of serving the International Communist  Movement and within this the RIM? It is therefore necessary to unfold a profound criticism against the convergences with the ROL. All of this must be swept away. The problem of convergences with the ROL is not foreign to the MPP itself, but in this case the MPP has advanced in the crushing of these convergences which is permitting carrying forward the reorganization and other tasks.

For this reason it is necessary to take a profound attitude of criticism and selfcriticism, of profound reflection. It is necessary to reactivate the campaign in defense of the life of Chairman Gonzalo, our Great Leadership, taking concrete measures so that to start there can be conferences and seminars. The world situation demands the reconstruction of the international Communist movement on the basis of reconstituting the parties, starting from the formation of guiding thoughts in each country as the product of the creative application of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. To initiate as soon as it is possible the specified people's war in each country and the world people's war that is the order of the day.

"Finally we here once more take up selfcriticism for the errors and injustices which as individuals we have committed against the interests of the people or of some persons, and we are always prepared to correct ourselves, because our Party has a just and correct politics. Errors are committed by the persons and not by the Party." (PCP document, Huallaga Base)

Long Live the XIX Anniversary of the People's War, the Torch of the World Proletarian Revolution!