Proletarians of all countries, unite!

ON THE REVOLUTIONARY SITUATION IN UNEQUAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE WORLD

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism teaches us communists that we are components of one single class on the globe, we are part of the international proletariat that is spread out in the world, with unique, identical class interests, with one destine that is indissolubly welded together and from this follows, that we must guide ourselves by proletarian internationalism. A specific revolution must always be considered within world revolution, even more so as we are unfolding within the new era, initiated with the October Revolution in 1917, in the past century, which is grand and glorious, a great milestone. You may be disturbed by the fact that restoration has taken place in the USSR and in China, but this implies not seeing the struggle between restoration and counter-restoration, which is the undeniable historical law until the definitive instauration of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The principal thing we can do in order to contribute to forwarding world revolution is to develop people’s war as the principal form of struggle in the world. He who does not have communism as his raison d’être is no communist. Communism will not be in one country; it will be in the entire world, or it will not be at all. The historical trend is toward it being realized. We are inexorably marching toward it. Nobody take us off this course.

We develop within the zigzags of world politics, and in order to judge the current situation, we start from the fact that the economical relations of imperialism form the basis for understanding it. Lenin established that imperialism is monopolist, parasitic and moribund and that it is the last phase, it is a cancer. Chairman Mao masterfully established that imperialism is a paper tiger, that the USA and the USSR are paper tigers. Where is the USSR? It is a paper tiger. We must see the law of imperialism and the law of the people, that the peoples do not need imperialism, do not need the plagues.

The existence of a revolutionary situation in unequal development in the world today is a decisive point, understanding this problem is of vital transcendency for the international proletariat and the peoples of the world. There is a revolutionary situation in unequal development in the world today, in the countries of the third world and also in the imperialist countries of the first and the second world. And further, dealing with the entire world politics of the present conjuncture is impossible if you do not do it within the framework of analyzing this situation. And you cannot pass a clear judgement on these problems if you do not do it in the light of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, applying it to the current situation; you cannot deal with the struggle between revolution and counterrevolution outside of the framework of analyzing this situation.

The existence of a revolutionary situation in unequal development is being denied, in order to deny the necessity of initiating people’s war, in order to go even further and deny the universal validity of the people’s war, its being in force universally, in a gross way distorting the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theses on the revolutionary situation from a revisionist, rightist point of view. Thus, today more than ever, if we want to serve the proletariat and world revolution, we must firmly base ourselves on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and on the contributions of Chairman Gonzalo, and apply it correctly and decisively, without vacillations, without confounding the road of the proletariat and the peoples of the world with the other road, which is the road that obscures the problem and disorients, especially concerning how the proletariat must develop its revolutionary counteroffensive against the general counterrevolutionary offensive lead by Yankee imperialism, being the sole hegemonist, in application of its plan for hegemony and being world gendarme.

Concretely, for us, this means preparing ourselves to convert all the imperialist aggressions or interventions, interimperialist war or imperialist world war into peoples war, or wage it in order to prepare ourselves, even without there being an imperialist war; to uphold the people’s war and dare to combat, without there being a direct imperialist aggression - this is what was done in Peru on May 17, 1980. Concretely, according to others, you should center on mass movements and they say that all struggles have equal value in order to confront the imperialist aggression, that the only contradiction that is sharpening and that is to been seen on the world stage is the first and principal one, that there is no revolutionary situation in the imperialist countries of North America, Europe and Asia, which is derived from this talk of “there is no big crisis, there is no danger of an interimperialist war or an imperialist world war”; and at the same time they maintain that the people’s war is not to be applied in the imperialist countries and that there, you have to follow “the road of October,” this in order to portray themselves as Maoist while acting as the support of the old parties of the imperialist big bourgeoisie; as always, these errors come from centering on the plan of reaction and not on the development of revolution.

It is necessary to start by clearly distinguishing the necessity of revolutionary violence in order to transform the world, that it is only by wars that you transform the world. We uphold the all-powerfulness of the revolutionary war, that is of people’s war, as the highest military theory, that of the proletariat, which the class has concretized in a full and complete way only with Chairman Mao, and that should be specified to every type of country, be they imperialist or backward. What is the dirty trick some are playing? They are confounding people’s war as the concretization of revolutionary violence of universal validity with the road it has to follow in accordance with the type of country, imperialist or backward.

We take our starting-point in the fundamental truth that every proletarian policy has to start from; thus we reaffirm ourselves in revolutionary violence as a universal law in order to take state power and in it being the core in replacing one class by another, that is, we reaffirm ourselves in the people’s war, which is the form in which revolutionary violence is concretized in imperialist countries as well as in the backward countries. Thus, being Maoist, in theory and practice applying the outlook of the proletariat, demands firmly adhering to the people’s war and thus, centering activity on initiating it if it has not started, and in developing if it has been initiated. This question is clear and simple and there is no way of twisting it if we base ourselves on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, if we are really serving the proletariat, the people and revolution in deeds and not only in empty words.

We have entered the new great wave of world proletarian revolution. What do we need? We need Maoism to, embodying itself in the people’s of the world, go forward to generate militarized Communist Parties, of a new type, with Great Leadership and guiding thought, in order for them to initiate people’s wars to sweep away imperialism, reaction and revisionism from the face of the earth.

Chairman Gonzalo establishes with great correctness that we around 1980 have entered the strategic offensive of world revolution, within the “50 to 100 years” in which imperialism and world reaction will be swept away and we will enter the period of the proletariat definitively installing itself in power and establishing its dictatorship, from that point onwards the contradiction will be between socialism and capitalism, in march toward communism.

Revolution is the principal historical and political trend, contradiction develops progress, the majority is in favor of advance in order to have fundamental living conditions and for developing as people, as human beings in accordance with the advance of the times, there is fabulous wealth that has been created, there are specific, higher, conditions and the masses cannot go on living in the world under subhuman conditions in disaccord with the colossal wealth and insulting waste. The world has to advance; progress, development and revolution are the direction of history, that is why the bourgeois and their petty-bourgeois lackeys uphold the negation of progress, of development, of advance. Believing in progress as a bourgeois development, due to the mere passing of time is a bourgeois idea; we conceive of progress as the consequence of the revolutionary transformation of class struggle that generates more advanced classes, more combative people. History has a direction and it goes toward the greater liberty of man. This is undeniable, but they are denying it and they are saying that these are pseudo-Marxist ideas, but the contradiction between the old and the new exists and this brings about the fact that revolution is the principal trend. “What is new always triumphs; the struggle between the new and the old is one form of the contradiction.” Chairman Mao said that the road is tortuous, but the future is bright. Either this reflects a contradiction, a reality, or it is just a useless play with beautiful phrases. Nothing follows a straight road, there is contradiction, two aspects that struggle, pull, this is why the road is in zigzags; the rivers develop and find turns, whirlpools, the river overcomes them and proceeds toward the sea. These are material realities; rivers are matter.

Historically and politically revolution is the principal trend, and the rest is transitory retrogression. When there are problems, this generates pessimism, people say “so much struggle and for what,” but what has been done is never lost. There is a fight between the positive and the negative and the new will impose itself because it is superior. We must see the contradiction, history, the interest of the masses, which is going to define the future of the masses, the socialist future or its living under the iron shackle of a master, of imperialism. We must see what the masses want; this defines the historical and political direction.

And we are seeing it, foremost and principally in the People’s Wars of Peru, Nepal and Turkey, and in the armed struggles the communists are leading in India and in other places, in the processes of reconstitution of the Communist Parties such as in Italy, etc., and in the armed liberation struggles against imperialist aggression, occupation and war against the peoples and countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, and in general, against the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and even in Europe itself, which form the basis of world revolution, because this is where the immense majority is and the principal contradiction exists. But it is also being expressed with great force in the struggle of the proletariat and the masses of the people in the imperialist countries, on the territories of the imperialist superpowers and powers. Thus, the will of the masses in the whole world is defining the historical and political direction, it is demonstrating that revolution is the principal trend. This has defined the fact that we have entered a new great wave of world proletarian revolution.

The struggle for state power in the world has sharpened, the struggle of the masses, the struggle of the proletariat, of the Communist Parties as the conscious part; the struggle for state power has grown. After the Second World War, the masses have stood up, and they will never get down on their knees again. There are some people who are confounding things and try to toy with historical trend and political situation, which are distinct from each other.

In the struggle between revolution and counterrevolution over state power, what is principal is revolution, that of the proletariat, for it is this that changes and transforms the world and this trend is developing more and more.

World reaction is perceiving this situation, it senses that it is being more and more encircled, thus it is defending itself ever more desperately and is ready to sink the world in hecatombs, in order to defend its state power. This is what is confusing and terrifying some people.

The general counterrevolutionary offensive. Peru People’s Movement, December 3, 2002: “Since the beginning of the previous decade, a general counterrevolutionary offensive is unleashed, and it continues developing in the world today, headed by Yankee imperialism, being the sole hegemonist and great world gendarme. But, in an attempt to throw sand in our eyes, the imperialists and revisionists are talking of a ‘qualitatively new situation’ after September 11, 2001, in order to divert the international proletariat and the peoples of the world off from the only road for their liberation, the people’s war. To us, in general, it is the continuation of this general counterrevolutionary offensive, which comes from imperialism, revisionism and world reaction, and which is headed by Yankee imperialism, in the midst of collusion and contention with the other superpower, Russia, and the other imperialist powers. This is the political conjuncture in which all world events today, big or small, and all this great turmoil under the skies, take place; this is the violent, armed and sanguinary clash between revolution and counterrevolution.”

This counterrevolutionary offensive takes place on all levels; as part of it, the bourgeoisie attacks Marxism, socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the Party. What corresponds to us to do, by means of the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought counteroffensive led by the Communist Party of Peru, being the red fraction of the international communist movement (MCI) is, in synthesis, to confront the counterrevolutionary offensive, in defense of Marxism, of Socialism, of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of the Party, seeing the great things they have generated, whose interests they serve, and counterpoise them to the interests served by capitalism, imperialism, the bourgeois dictatorship and the paper parties. We have no time for ambiguities. What we needed for revolution to advance, are struggles with violence for great ruptures. Chairman Mao said: “Only a great chaos can generate a new order.” We have had insufficient chaos, we must generate more, do it at the level of ideas, moving ideas is vital to shape public opinion; without this you cannot seize power.

The problem is thus not “before and after September 11,” but that the development of class struggle in the world has brought us this, has brought us a general counterrevolutionary offensive that attempts to avert revolution as principal historical and political trend in the world today; this is what they are attempting and this is what we are confronting. We are fighting to uphold, defend and apply Maoism and the Communist Party of Peru is, with the People’s War, carrying the task forward together with the Communist Parties and People’s Wars of Nepal and Turkey. What is on the other side? The general counterrevolutionary offensive lead by Yankee imperialism in the midst of the collusion and contention with the other imperialist superpower and powers.

The three fundamental contradictions existing in the present-day world: the first and principal contradiction, between oppressed nations on one side, and on the other, the imperialist superpowers and powers, which is solved with the democratic revolution, which requires people’s war. The second contradiction, proletariat-bourgeoisie, is solved with the socialist revolution and in perspective with proletarian cultural revolution; in this as well, the problem is carrying them out through people’s war. The third contradiction is the interimperialist one, which expresses itself on three levels: Among the superpowers (US-Russia) that necessarily develop collusion and contention. Between imperialist superpowers-imperialist powers, and among the imperialist powers, for there is not one sole imperialism. The Communist Party of Peru does not talk of blocs, there is no superimperialism, this is an old Kautskyan thesis, today being repeated by those attempting to revise Maoism (see the relation with Teng’s revisionism). These interimperialist contradictions unfold in three forms: imperialist wars of aggression, struggles among the imperialist powers, and in imperialist world war for dividing up the world. This entire phenomenon inevitably leads to people’s war, which is the response to it. The world people’s war is conceived of by the Communist Party of Peru as the grand process of the oppressed nations, of the oppressed peoples and of the international proletariat, led by Communist Parties that in waves and through various wars, be it in countries, in limited areas or in regions, or in world wars, will come to take the firm shape of one world people’s war as the response to the imperialist counterrevolutionary war. The Party understands this as a war waged in unison, everywhere, this would be good but it is not so in reality now but it will come in the future (Lenin: “the immense iron legions of the proletariat”). We repeat: the problem for us is the people’s war, concretely to prepare for it, in order to convert all these imperialist aggressions or this interimperialist war or this imperialist world war into people’s war, or wage it in order to prepare ourselves, even without there being an imperialist war, even if there is no direct imperialist aggression, we must uphold the people’s war and dare to combat. This is where the development and sharpening of class struggle in the world have taken us.

Rebuking all positions within the international communism movement opposed to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Chairman Gonzalo tells us: “We do not consider the problem being that revolution will happen because of the war of the reactionaries. Revolution happens because of the revolutionary war, the people’s war, others are simply wandering about in dreams over how to convert the imperialist world war into revolution. An absurd theory.”

The unleashing of an imperialist world war could come to be principal in a transitory manner, but this is necessarily going to strike against the oppressed nations, for the booty, the dividing up, is at play, the oppressed nations are the booty, and hence the principal contradiction would thus rapidly become principal once again, since it is acting as the basis. It is the principal contradiction historical until imperialism and reaction is swept away from the face of the earth, for we are the immense majority, every day more oppressed and exploited. If they break the imperialist dominion, they are contributing to the very imperialist state power being crushed in their citadels.

In accordance with the conjunctures that present themselves on continents or in countries, there will be socialist revolutions. Our criterion is not that the socialist revolutions will be made only after the revolutions have been made in the oppressed nations. This is foolish mechanist thinking. But, obviously, the masses are burning in the oppressed nations. But both types of revolutions will be molded into one single torrent.

The most burning points today: Chairman Gonzalo tells us that it is necessary to see the contradictions in order to analyze the world situation and define the strategy and tactics and within this the strategic and most conflict-ridden areas. There are points that are more important to reaction and there are others that are of lesser importance. Today, according to our criterion, the most burning points are from the Near and Middle East to Southeast Asia, an area that almost forms one single axis if seen as starting in Yugoslavia; here, we Maoists are present, developing the people’s wars of Nepal and of Turkey and the armed struggles in India and other places. Another one would then be from Africa’s Horn to the Caucasus. In Africa, an axis is taking form, going from the Ivory Coast on the Atlantic and to the easternmost Sudan, this in addition to Central Africa. In all these points, there is a sharp struggle between the superpowers and powers, being present in a direct form or tied to fundamentalist, nationalist and even reactionary movements, usurped by the superpowers and powers in order to convert them into occupation forces like in Afghanistan and like they are planning to do in Iraq, etc., or for the fight among themselves, as in the Caucasus. And, in Latin America, we have the Andean Region, of strategical and fundamental importance to the Yankee dominion, and in this region, the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought People’s War of Peru, fighting for an authentic democratic revolution without subjecting itself to any superpower or power. In Europe, starting from here, from Italy, there is the struggle of the communists to reconstitute their Parties, which is very important, where they are showing that they want to fight and combat, where they, decades ago, dared to take up arms and persist until today. In Europe, there is a revolutionary crisis in unequal development, just like in the US and Canada, what does not exist is a revolutionary crisis. The old dirty trick of revisionism is to mix up the two of them.

Imperialism ripens the conditions for revolution in the whole world: And how could it be otherwise, if already Lenin unequivocally asserted it: “The extent to which monopolist capital has intensified all the contradictions of capitalism is generally known. It is sufficient to mention the high cost of living and the tyranny of the cartels. This intensification of contradictions constitutes the most powerful driving force of the transitional period of history, which began from the time of the final victory of world finance capital.”

And he points out to us: “Monopolies, oligarchy, the striving for domination instead of striving for liberty, the exploitation of an increasing number of small or weak nations by a handful of the richest or most powerful nations - all these have given birth to those distinctive characteristics of imperialism which compel us to define it as parasitic or decaying capitalism. (The distinction between oppressed peoples and oppressor nations - our note) More and more prominently there emerges, as one of the tendencies of imperialism, the creation of the ‘rentier state,’ the usurer state, in which the bourgeoisie to an ever increasing degree lives on the proceeds of capital exports and by ‘clipping coupons.’ It would be a mistake to believe that this tendency to decay precludes the rapid growth of capitalism. It does not. In the epoch of imperialism, certain branches of industry, certain strata of the bourgeoisie and certain countries betray, to a greater or lesser degree, now one and now another of these tendencies. On the whole, capitalism is growing far more rapidly than before, but this growth is not only becoming more and more uneven in general, its unevenness also manifests itself, in particular, in the decay of the countries which are richest in capital (the economic relations of imperialism follow an unequal development and the political situation existing today, class struggle, also follows an unequal development - our note).

All this only goes to prove the political aspect of imperialism, which is decisive: imperialism ripens the conditions for revolution and today, in the period of its collapse and sweeping away within the “50 to 100 years,” it is ripening the conditions for the development and triumph of revolution.

But Lenin is at the same time putting forward a problem and a task for us, when he tells us “The receipt of high monopoly profits by the capitalists in one of the numerous branches of industry, in one of the numerous countries, etc., makes it economically possible for them to bribe certain sections of the workers, and for a time a fairly considerable minority of them, and win them to the side of the bourgeoisie of a given industry or given nation against all the others. The intensification of antagonisms between imperialist nations for the division of the world increases this striving. And so there is created that bond between imperialism and opportunism... the fight against imperialism is a sham and humbug unless it is inseparably bound up with the fight against opportunism.”

“From all that has been said in this book on the economic essence of imperialism, it follows that we must define it as capitalism in transition, or, more precisely, as moribund capitalism... [before us] we have socialization of production and not mere "interlocking"; that private economic and private property relations constitute a shell which no longer fits it contents, a shell which must inevitably decay if its removal by artificial means be delayed; a shell which may continue in a state of decay for a fairly long period (if, at the worst, the cure of the opportunist abscess is protracted), but which will inevitably be removed.”

Imperialism will ineluctably be swept away, whether it will last longer or not depends on the action of the communists, on us burying this rotten corpse. For those who center on imperialism, those who see it as “supercolossal,” as “a formidable machinery,” who center on the enemy, do not center on the power of the people, of the masses, and this is why they do not understand that three worlds are taking shape, despite their very well knowing that it was Chairman Mao who asserted this thesis.

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the revolutionary situation: Lenin wrote: “Russia is experiencing a revolutionary situation because the oppression of the vast majority of the population - not only of the proletariat but of nine-tenths of the small producers, particularly the peasants - has intensified to the maximum, and this intensified oppression, starvation, poverty, lack of rights, humiliation of the people is, furthermore, glaringly inconsistent with the state of Russia's productive forces, inconsistent with the level of the class-consciousness and the demands of the masses...”

Can you say that these conditions do not exist at present in our oppressed countries? It is evident that all these conditions exist in our countries, and even more so, that these conditions during the last years have entered a process of profound aggravation, as Chairman Gonzalo points out concerning Peru in the late 1970’s. But do these conditions, and their aggravation, not also exist in the imperialist countries? With all certainty, they do; it suffices to recall what Lenin pointed out on “the high cost of living and the tyranny of the cartels” weighing on the immense majority of the population of these imperialist countries. But it without doubt the case that the oppression and exploitation of the proletariat and the masses have been severely aggravated since the second half of the 1960’s and even more so since the last decade of the past century, and yet more during what has gone by of the present century. In Europe, Japan and North America, there is the worst crisis in the last twenty-five years (in some cases the worst crisis since the Second World War), and the wight of this is with particular brutality being unloaded on the immense majority, which goes hand in hand with the process of reactionarization and militarization of the states of these countries, as we have seen during all theses years and as is being pointed out by the very representatives of the rightist theory of the “nonexistence of a revolutionary situation in the imperialist countries.” Very well, all this constitutes the basis for the revolutionary situation to come about, but as Lenin says: “Oppression alone, no matter how great, does not always give rise to a revolutionary situation in a country. In most cases it is not enough for revolution that the lower classes should not want to live in the old way. It is also necessary that the upper classes should be unable to rule and govern in the old way.

Thus, Lenin defined what a revolutionary situation is, what the objective conditions for revolution are, and he synthesized them in the two underscored in the quote. The revolutionary situation or the objective conditions for revolution are the causes of the mobilization of the masses, and the latter are its effect. But fundamental is also what Lenin specified on the revolutionary situation generating a political crisis in the very base of the state.

If we highlight the problem of “the upper classes,” they - obviously in a greater or lesser extent in different imperialist countries, as this follows an unequal development - cannot go on ruling and governing as before, like in the United States, where Bush was elected president by means of the greatest fraud in the history of this country, and where it was the Judiciary Power that had to mediate and determine who should be the new President, which is equal to a coup d’état, and thereafter, in order to continue waging his counterrevolutionary war against the people’s of the world, he is developing a greater presidential absolutism. In imperialist countries like Germany, France, Italy, etc., the very fractions in contention of finance capital themselves are questioning the legitimacy of the basis for their “governability,” the legitimacy of their elections. It is up to the communists in each country to take the economical basis and the political oppression in their own country into account, in order to understand the specific characteristics the revolutionary acquires in a given country, and the development that this has in these societies, according to their being either semifeudal and semicolonial countries or imperialist countries.

But, as Chairman Gonzalo already warned concerning the case of Peru in the late 70’s: “However, in Peru there is a serious confusion about this problem. Some erroneously consider that the mobilization of the masses is the cause for the existence of the revolutionary situation. This idea obviously contradicts the exceedingly clear theses formulated by Lenin, and it has a purpose: to prioritize the movement of the masses for demands in order to postpone the revolution, the seizure of state power and, ultimately, to block revolutionary violence in order to go after the electoral processes, and propagate parliamentary cretinism.” In the world today, once more there are those who oppose these theses of Lenin and center on the “world anti-war resistance movement,” that is to say, on a movement of the masses for demands, on bourgeois pacifism, and the revolutionary violence is being set aside, and they are coming up with stupidities ni order not to answer the question: Which is the principal form of struggle? To us, the question and answer concerning revolution and counterrevolution in the world is clear, as well as how to confront the counterrevolutionary war: people’s war until communism. The problem is not with us but with those who want to keep gargling as if Maoism was merely a word and give an answer to the present moment’s burning problems for world revolution.

As Lenin also pointed out: “Neither the oppression of the lower classes nor a crisis among the upper classes can cause a revolution; they can only cause the decay of a country, unless that country has a revolutionary class capable of transforming the passive state of oppression into an active state of revolt and insurrection.”

Chairman Gonzalo says: “Therefore, a revolutionary situation or objective conditions of the revolution, are not the same as the subjective conditions. The latter are the class and the instruments capable of converting the revolutionary situation into revolutionary violence, which in our country implies armed struggle, united front, a Party to handle both...”

Chairman Mao establishes the conditions that form the objective situation and the development of the contradictions for the backward countries, and it is likewise up to the communists to apply Maoism in order to understand these conditions in the imperialist countries. Chairman Mao called “revolutionary high tide,” what Lenin denominated as “revolutionary situation,” which is the point we are brought to by the development of revolution for taking political power.

We sustain, we are partisans of fact that, in the present-day World, a revolutionary situation or objective situation for developing people’s war always exists, but that, as Chairman Mao established, it exists in two forms: 1) static revolutionary situation and 2) revolutionary situation in unequal development. Even more so, a static revolutionary situation can be transformed into a revolutionary situation in unequal development through subjective forces acting upon the objective situation. That is to say, the Communist Party that leads its own construction and that of the other two instruments of revolution.

To conclude: we are in the new era of revolution, initiated in 1917, we are within the “50 to 100 years” of the collapse and sweeping away of imperialism, we are in the stage of the strategic offensive of revolution, where it is up to us to unfold the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought revolutionary counteroffensive against the general counterrevolutionary offensive led by Yankee imperialism, being sole gendarme, which generates a “great turmoil under the skies,” where reaction’s actions are spurring on revolution, which is the principal historical and political trend in the world, and we have entered a new great wave of world revolution; what is needed is for Maoism to, embodying itself in the people’s of the world, go forward to command it as its sole command and guide and its sole guarantee of triumph, and it is doing it by generating militarized Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Parties, in order to, with Great Leadership based on a guiding thought, initiate and lead people’s wars.

LONG LIVE CHAIRMAN GONZALO AND HIS ALL-POWERFUL THOUGHT!
DOWN WITH REVISIONISM, LONG LIVE MAOISM!
PEOPLE’S WAR UNTIL COMMUNISM!

Peru People's Movement
January 2003